The Great IRAQ!
Saturday, July 24, 2004

(You can find the Arabic translation of this
article on this SITE

Invisible casualties : Twenty-eight percent of Marines had killed a civilian

Daily Press,

Invisible casualties : Twenty-eight percent of Marines had killed a civilian:

Daily Press

July 18 2004 "Daily Press" -

The experience is
horrifying. Among soldiers and Marines from combat units involved in the early
stages of the war in Iraq:


Nine in 10 had been
attacked or ambushed and had been fired upon.


More than half had
killed an enemy fighter.


Eighty-six percent
knew someone who had been killed or seriously injured.


Almost all had seen
death, and half had handled the dead.


Most saw ill or
injured women or children they could not help.


percent of Marines had killed a civilian.

The combat experience is defined by gore and fear as much as it can be by honor
and bravery. For many of its casualties, the wounds are hidden in their minds
and emotions and spirits, not obvious on their bodies. Indeed, the study that
documented the experiences listed above is a sobering prediction that the war in
Iraq will return to our shores many thousands of soldiers and Marines with
significant psychological problems. The study of the effect of combat on troops'
mental health, conducted by Army doctors, appeared in the July 1 New England
Journal of Medicine.

The conclusion: One in six combat
veterans reported moderate or severe problems with depression, anxiety or
post-traumatic stress disorder. One in six. Some
experts expect that rate to rise as more troops come home and try to readjust to
civilian life. And some worry that the growing numbers of citizen soldiers,
members of the National Guard and Reserves, are at special risk.

The men and women studied had served in ground combat during the early phase of
the invasion. But the problems may be as bad or worse for those exposed to
combat during the occupation phase. Peacekeeping brings its own stress:

1.extended tours of duty,

2.lack of a defined front or enemy,

3.the involvement of civilians as both combatants and
innocent victims
, and

reality that a lethal attack can come from any quarter at any time

 After duty on Baghdad's streets, a
combat veteran can find that crossing even hometown streets triggers disturbing

More grim indicators of problems ahead:
As of January, more than 1,000 soldiers had been evacuated from Iraq for
psychological problems. And another: The Pentagon is concerned about low morale
among troops in Iraq and a spike in suicides. That's unusual, because in times
of war, the suicide rate among the military - normally lower than among the
general population - usually drops even more, not climbs.

The most troubling telltale, though, is this:
Among the soldiers and Marines who met psychiatrists' criteria for major
psychological problems, and who acknowledged they had a problem, fewer than half
were interested in getting help, and only one in four had actually seen a mental
health professional. The more severe the symptoms, the less likely the victim
was to get help.

In an institution that values suck-it-up courage, the taboo remains. It has
been a long time since Gen. George Patton reportedly waved his gun at a solder
hospitalized for shell shock, taunting him as a coward who ought to be shot, but
the stigma endures.
Soldiers fear that admitting to psychological problems
will be seen as a sign of weakness, one that could derail their careers and
humiliate them in their comrades' eyes. Perhaps the saddest fear the troubled
soldiers expressed: that they would be blamed for their own problems.

This is not a failure of training, for those who are headed into battle are
trained for combat. It is, instead, a failure to have an effective program to
deal with the aftermath of combat.

The large number of these invisible casualties of war
is something for which this nation must prepare, especially in areas such as
Hampton Roads that will welcome back many service members who have come face to
face with combat's horrors.

The lingering symptoms - which can
include anger and anxiety, depression, irritability and flashbacks - can
complicate the transition to civilian life. The toll will likely include
substance abuse and social and work-related problems. The suffering will spill
over to the casualties' families, friends, employers and communities.

Identification and intervention will be critical.
Innovative programs are under way that try to get ahead of the problem by
identifying and treating personnel in the field - but an Army team found its
front-line efforts inadequate.

The overall success of the nation's response will depend on how well the
psychiatric resources of the Army and Marines in particular are geared up to
reach out to and meet the enormous demand that lies ahead. And how well those
resources prepare families and provide continuing support to help them through
the transitions they, too, will face.

But the biggest impediment will be combat
casualties' unwillingness to get help.
Getting past that will
require a change in the military culture that neutralizes old taboos and openly
acknowledges the toll of war on minds and emotions as well as bodies. It will
require that the services are as compassionate and proactive in treating those
wounds as in treating mangled limbs. That spirit must emanate from the top, but
it must take root across the organization so it shapes the way an NCO interacts
with subordinates, as well as what the brass mouths.

One of the distinctive characteristics of this war
will make the problem worse:
A large percentage of the force is
made up of men and women drawn from the National Guard and Reserve. They are
thrown abruptly from the familiarity and safety of civilian life into what is
still a war zone, often without the preparation or mind-set of their active-duty
counterparts. They will return not into the (potentially) supportive environment
of a military community but to a civilian community that may lack the awareness,
understanding and resources to deal with the emotional aftermath of what they've
been through. They're eligible for services through the Veterans Administration,
but how accessible will they be?

Here, too, the military will have to play a big role. The job is to prepare
Guard and Reserve combat veterans and their families for what they may
experience and to provide - that's right, provide, not foist off onto soldiers'
private health insurance - appropriate mental health services. And those
services must, like the symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder, extend over
a long period. Civilian organizations devoted to mental health - in this area,
community services boards - must be ready to reach out and take care of
returning troops and their families.

It will take a concerted and sustained effort, on many fronts from family dinner
tables to command board rooms, to heal the invisible wounds many of this war's
combatants will bring home and to minimize the destructive toll on themselves
and their families.

GO Back To Iraq4ever

Sunday, July 11, 2004

If you are interested to know more about the Zionism Movement, read the Zionism-Protocols.
Saturday, July 10, 2004

I just read an article about the Bush Adminstration, so I selected it and I am republishing it. If you want to visit the SITE that published it which includes a lot of important articles, use this link.

It's Time to Liberate America from Official Liars and Human Rights Abusers


( - As a young boy, I loved the American flag. I'd lead my younger sisters in patriotic parades up and down the sidewalk, waving the flag, blowing a whistle and reciting the Pledge of Allegiance over and over until my sisters begged me to let them go back to their Easy-Bake Oven.
I loved singing the national anthem. I won an essay contest on "What the Flag Means to Me." I decorated my bicycle with little American flags for a Fourth of July parade and won a prize for that too. I became an Eagle Scout and proudly promised to do my duty to God and country. And every year I asked to be the one who planted the flag on the grave of my uncle, a paratrooper who was killed in World War II. I was taught to admire his sacrifice, and I hoped to grow up and do my part, as he had, to keep us free.
But, in high school, things changed. Nine boys from my school came back home from Vietnam in boxes. Draped over each coffin was the American flag. I knew that they also had made a sacrifice. But their sacrifice wasn't for their country: They were sent to die by men who lied to them. Those men -- presidents, senators, government officials -- wrapped themselves in the flag too, hoping that their lies would never be questioned, never be discovered. They wrapped themselves in the very flag that was placed on the coffins of my friends and neighbors. I stopped singing the national anthem at football games, and I stopped putting out the flag.
I realize now I never should have stopped.

For too long now we have abandoned our flag to those who see it as a symbol of war and dominance, as a way to crush dissent at home. Flags are flying from the back of SUVs, rising high above car dealerships, plastering the windows of businesses and adorning paper bags from fast-food restaurants. But these flags are intended to send a message: "You're either with us or you're against us," "Bring it on!" or "Watch what you say, watch what you do."
Those who absconded with our flag now use it as a weapon against those who question America's course. They remind me of that famous 1976 photo of an anti-busing demonstrator in Boston thrusting a large American flag on a pole into the stomach of the first black man he encountered. These so-called patriots hold the flag tightly in their grip and, in a threatening pose, demand that no one ask questions. Those who speak out find themselves shunned at work, harassed at school, booed off Oscar stages. The flag has become a muzzle, a piece of cloth stuffed into the mouths of those who dare to ask questions.

I think it's time for those of us who love this country -- and everything it should stand for -- to reclaim our flag from those who would use it to crush rights and freedoms, both here at home and overseas. We need to redefine what it means to be a proud American.
If you are one of those who love what President Bush has done for this country and believe you must blindly follow the president to deserve to fly the flag, you should ask yourself some difficult questions about just how proud you are of the America we now inhabit:

Are you proud that one in six children lives in poverty in America?
Are you proud that 40 million adult Americans are functional illiterates?
Are you proud that the bulk of the jobs being created these days are low- and minimum-wage jobs?
Are you proud of asking your fellow Americans to live on $5.15 an hour?
Are you proud that, according to a National Geographic Society survey, 85% of young adult Americans cannot find Iraq on the map (and 11% cannot find the United States!)?
Are you proud that the rest of the world, which poured out its heart to us after Sept. 11, now looks at us with disdain and disgust?
Are you proud that nearly 3 billion people on this planet do not have access to clean drinking water when we have the resources and technology to remedy this immediately?
Are you proud of the fact that our president sent our soldiers off to a war that had nothing to do with the self-defense of this country?

If these things represent what it means to be an American these days -- and I am an American -- should I hang my head in shame? No. Instead, I intend to perform what I believe is my patriotic duty. I can't think of a more American thing to do than raise questions -- and demand truthful answers -- when our leader wants to send our sons and daughters off to die in a war.
If we don't do that -- the bare minimum -- for those who offer to defend our country, then we have failed them and ourselves. They offer to die for us, if necessary, so that we can be free. All they ask in return is that we never send them into harm's way unless it is absolutely necessary. And with this war, we have broken faith with our troops by sending them off to be killed and maimed for wrong and immoral reasons.
This is the true state of disgrace we are living in. I hope we can make it up someday to these brave kids (and older men and women in our reserves and National Guard). They deserve an apology, they deserve our thanks -- and a raise -- and they deserve a big parade with lots of flags.

I would like to lead that parade, carrying the largest flag. And I would like the country to proclaim that never again will a war be fought unless it is our last resort.
Let's create a world in which, when people see the Stars and Stripes, they will think of us as the people who brought peace to the world, who brought good-paying jobs to all citizens and clean water for the world to drink.
In anticipation of that day, I am putting my flag out today, with hope and with pride.

Michael Moore is a movie producer, anti-war activist and human rights defender. His latest documentary film is "Fahrenheit 9/11." 4 July 2004. Copyright 2004 Michael Moore.

Sunday, July 04, 2004

This is the translation of the Baath's Party statement which was issued in ARABIC two months ago, (source):

- April 23rd, 2004 -

One Arab Nation with Eternal Mission
Unity, Liberty, Socialism
Dignified Iraqis !
Glorious Daughters and Sons of the Arab Nation !
Ba’ath Comrades and Resistance Mujahideen !

On the basis of the principle of “Resistance and Liberation” and in accordance with the Political and Strategic Program for Armed Iraqi Resistance, the Arab Ba’ath Socialist Party is struggling in the Resistance in the occupied Arab region of Iraq. The Ba’ath Party characterized and predicted the predicament that the occupation would fall into, and the way that this predicament is growing deeper and accelerating, in the course of the Party's programmatic objective analysis which is being used by the armed Iraqi Resistance as political guidance.
On the basis of its general directives, operational and strategic goals are set, as Resistance efforts and fighting activity are brought into confrontation with the occupation forces and their stooges. The Resistance activity also functions in accordance with what the Party described, characterized, and explained in the Political Program of the Resistance issued on 9 September 2003.

The Ba’ath also outlined the constituent parts of the political map in occupied Iraq as the fighting confrontation between the illegal occupation and the legitimate armed Resistance. In accordance with that, the Ba’ath will be nothing but a Resistant and fighting force as long as the occupation continues and until the liberation of Iraq and the expulsion of the occupation are achieved. The Ba’ath dealt with and deals with the occupation, its reality and its byproducts, plans, projects, and stooges by fighting them. Armed struggle has been, is, and will remain the choice of the Ba’ath, and it will remain the irreversible choice of the Party until liberation. The choice of going in reverse, as we predicted in earlier documents, is now the option facing the occupation and its stooges.
The Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party presents this affirmation of its position in response to the statement made today, Friday, 23 April 2004, by the head of the crisis ridden “occupation authority” – Bremer, in a desperate attempt by him to get out of the political, military, security, administrative, and moral predicament in which he finds himself in Iraq due to the efforts of the heroic armed Resistance, which is gradually but continuously and at an accelerating rate, bringing down the imperialist American occupation plans, and breaking up their political, military and other components.

The Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party will never, ever be a part of the occupations plans or forces in Iraq or outside of Iraq. The Ba’ath, in ideology and policy, its organization, leadership, and fighters, has been and remains ineradicable, a firm resistance force against the occupation, and an armed leader of the Resistance, rooted in the earth and people of Iraq. It has pledged to the Arab Nation to march on its militant path, projecting and renewing its program for liberation and renaissance, standing by its commitments to itself and the Arab Nation and to humanity to work for the downfall of the American imperialist plans in Iraq, the region, and the world.

The political information and publication Bureau
Of the Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party Iraq
April 23th 2004

Friday, July 02, 2004

Due to the recent event of the so called "Saddam Hussein Trial".. which represents the cheapest Bush-shit act ever (!!) >> I shall re-publish the following article about one of the seven acqusations against The Iraqi President Saddam Hussein "Gassing the Kurds".. This article was published in December 2003 by ( ). Uruklink republish the same article recently,which is the source of the following materials:

FLASHBACK: Saddam never gassed his own people

Carlton Meyer

1 December 2003 - A Stephen C. Pelletiere commentary appeared in the January 31, 2003 New York Times, yet no one seems to have noticed. Here is part of what he wrote about frequent statements that Saddam Hussein gassed 5000 Kurds at Halabja in 1991: the Central Intelligence Agency's senior political analyst on Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war, and as a professor at the Army War College from 1988 to 2000, I was privy to much of the classified material that flowed through Washington having to do with the Persian Gulf. In addition, I headed a 1991 Army investigation into how the Iraqis would fight a war against the United States; the classified version of the report went into great detail on the Halabja affair.

This much about the gassing at Halabja we undoubtedly know: it came about in the course of a battle between Iraqis and Iranians. Iraq used chemical weapons to try to kill Iranians who had seized the town, which is in northern Iraq not far from the Iranian border. The Kurdish civilians who died had the misfortune to be caught up in that exchange. But they were not Iraq's main target.

And the story gets murkier: immediately after the battle the United States Defense Intelligence Agency investigated and produced a classified report, which it circulated within the intelligence community on a need-to-know basis. That study asserted that it was Iranian gas that killed the Kurds, not Iraqi gas.

The agency did find that each side used gas against the other in the battle around Halabja. The condition of the dead Kurds' bodies, however, indicated they had been killed with a blood agent -- that is, a cyanide-based gas -- which Iran was known to use. The Iraqis, who are thought to have used mustard gas in the battle, are not known to have possessed blood agents at the time.

These facts have long been in the public domain but, extraordinarily, as often as the Halabja affair is cited, they are rarely mentioned. A much-discussed article in The New Yorker last March did not make reference to the Defense Intelligence Agency report or consider that Iranian gas might have killed the Kurds. On the rare occasions the report is brought up, there is usually speculation, with no proof, that it was skewed out of American political favoritism toward Iraq in its war against Iran.

I am not trying to rehabilitate the character of Saddam Hussein. He has much to answer for in the area of human rights abuses. But accusing him of gassing his own people at Halabja as an act of genocide is not correct, because as far as the information we have goes, all of the cases where gas was used involved battles. These were tragedies of war.

The Baathist regime did kill thousands of Kurds during fighting to suppress occasional uprisings by what Americans call gangs or terror groups. Iran, Turkey and Syria have also killed thousands of Kurds, and of course the USA has killed thousands of innocent Iraqis to maintain order, albeit unintentionally. A better example of a government leader using chemicals to "gas his own people" occurred in 1993 near Waco, Texas.

"In a time of universal deceit - telling the truth is a revolutionary act." George Orwell
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